European Commissioner Marta Kos: “We cannot talk about Europe’s security without Ukraine’s security”
An exclusive interview with EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos for the Interfax-Ukraine news agency
On the final day of Marta Kos’s visit to Ukraine, we discussed the EU accession process, the Hungarian veto, anti-corruption reforms, and the possibility of decoupling Moldova from Ukraine on their paths to EU membership.
Text: Valerie Proshchenko
Your visit coincides precisely with the conclusion of the screening process. Was this the primary reason for selecting this timing? Could you please outline your schedule during the trip and the overall objectives of your visit? Maybe you can share any insights from your meetings in Kyiv, along with the key messages conveyed.
I came on a three-day mission — until now, I had only ever visited for one day, and always just in Kyiv. But to do the best possible job for you in Brussels, it's important that I get outside of Kyiv, meet different stakeholders, and talk to people in various regions about the key issues on the ground.
On the first day, I travelled to Zakarpattia to meet with national minorities, especially the Hungarian community. Hungary is currently blocking the opening of Cluster One, claiming that Ukraine isn’t doing enough to protect minority rights. I also attended a meeting of the Council of National Minorities, which includes representatives from 20 minority groups. None of them raised concerns about a lack of protection - including two representatives from the Hungarian community. All of them expressed strong pro-European views, which I found very encouraging.
The second day in Lviv was deeply emotional. I visited the cemetery where Ukraine’s fallen soldiers are buried - true heroes. I also visited a monument dedicated to Slovenian soldiers who died in this region during World War I. Later, I toured the UNBROKEN initiative and saw first-hand the incredible work they’re doing in medical care and rehabilitation. I also met with war veterans now living in housing funded by the EU - another inspiring group of heroes.
And of course, today in Kyiv, I had important meetings with government officials. I spoke with President Zelensky, met with all the political parties in the Rada, including the opposition, and had a very constructive exchange with the Speaker of Parliament. The message is clear: Ukraine is delivering, completing all the screening steps. But now the hard part begins — implementing the necessary reforms.
We also discussed how to move forward if we don’t achieve unanimous support from all 27 EU member states, and how to safeguard the independence of Ukraine’s anti-corruption institutions. This was another emotional but professional moment for me. I had already met the heads of NABU and SAPO in Brussels, but here I wanted to meet their teams — more than 120 people. I wanted to encourage them, to remind them how important their work is.
Beyond this, I also met with powerful women leaders and civil society representatives. I spoke at Resilience Week in Lviv, where 150 local officials - mostly men - gathered from across Ukraine to discuss the importance of decentralization. That was just one of 25 events I counted during this mission.
The European Commission's position is well-known: there are no substantive reasons not to open accession negotiations, and Hungary's veto is purely political in nature. What options exist to bypass this veto? Regarding changes to the voting procedure from unanimity to a qualified majority -how realistic is it that such a decision could be adopted, given that it also requires unanimity?
I really like this question because it gives me the chance to explain that Ukraine doesn’t need to wait for “green light” from Mr. Orbán to move forward with the necessary reforms. Of course, there are both technical and political parts of the accession process, but we can already proceed with the technical side. We completed the screening process in record time.
Now, Ukraine is also able to deliver on reforms. For example, in cluster one, the three roadmaps are already in place. We have the action plan for minorities. We don't have to wait to formally proceed - meaning that the key requirement in the accession process is transformation, and this transformation can be achieved. The reforms can be implemented without following every official step of the process. In the meantime, of course, we're seeking solutions to secure the necessary unanimity when it's needed.
Yes, on the unanimity issue. Media reports suggest that several EU countries - not just Hungary - are pushing back against European Council President António Costa's plan to sidestep the Hungarian veto and get Ukraine's EU accession talks moving again.
We will see what happens in Copenhagen. (the interview took place on October 1, the day of the informal summit of heads of state and government of EU member states in Denmark - If-U).
You know, we have to take the concerns of our member states seriously. But once again, Ukraine has delivered. From my point of view, it has fully delivered. Now it is up to the member states and the Council to give the green light so that we do not lose this very important momentum.
We should not allow the process, which is progressing very well, to slow down. That would be harmful for Ukraine, and it would also be harmful for us. As I said today at one of the events, the enlargement process with Ukraine, or bringing Ukraine on board as a member, is much more than simply adding another member state. It carries enormous geopolitical implications. It is about Europe’s security, and it is also about welcoming a nation that, through this war, is defending not only its own sovereignty but also European values and democracy.
Given everything you said and the importance of the moment, is there any time limit to find a solution to bypass Hungary's veto?
I wouldn’t set a time limit. We need to find a solution. But I'm sure that we could open all six clusters this year, still under the Danish presidency.
As you know, the Danish Minister for European Affairs was here today, so this is possible. As for finding a solution with Hungary, I cannot say when that will happen - especially since we can start implementing the reforms as soon as tomorrow.
You previously said that Ukraine has mostly fixed the damage done by its aborted anti-corruption reforms, but warned that Kyiv still has work to do. What is your assessment today?
In July, we clearly saw how fragile some reforms can be, and why it is essential to safeguard the fundamentals. This is also part of the first cluster. The damage has been repaired, not 100% yet, and the government is well aware of this. What is crucial is that the anti-corruption bodies are able to work independently - that their staff and leadership can operate without pressure, that their work is valued, and that they are rewarded for uncovering and bringing cases to court. Ukraine has achieved a great deal in the fight against corruption over the past ten years.
These institutions are the result of that progress, and we must not lose this momentum. But very important part of this anti-corruption path is also in the roadmap of the rule of law, which will be part of cluster one. We will carefully monitor developments in this area. As you know, in the accession process, we start with the fundamentals, and we also end with the fundamentals. So even if there is backsliding in between, we will not end the accession process or negotiations unless anti-corruption work is done as it used to be.
But I would be less concerned if there were not also pressure from your citizens themselves.
I must admit that trust was shaken in July because of this, particularly among some member states, international financial institutions, and potential investors. Before and after the reconstruction conference in Rome, I engaged in outreach, inviting companies in France, the Netherlands, and elsewhere to prepare for investment. But now there are concerns, and we must rebuild that trust.
And the protests by your people have earned you goodwill in Europe - meaning there's a kind of corrective mechanism we can also always count on. In technical terms, it's the activism of your people. At the same time, according to the latest survey, the top fear among your citizens is war, and in second place, with more than 80%, is corruption.
Returning to the negotiation process, do you still maintain the position that we should move forward together with Moldova, considering all the threats and recent events?
You mean opening cluster 1?
Yes, cluster 1.
Yes, it would be good to open cluster 1 for both Moldova and Ukraine as soon as possible. You have both done your homework, you have fulfilled the criteria, and as we discussed earlier, it would be best to move forward and open it for both of you without delay.
But if it would take much longer for us, should Moldova wait? Again, given the importance of the moment for them after the election.
For the time being, they fully understand why it is important to keep you together.
Do you really believe that Ukraine's membership in the EU is the best guarantee of security?
Yes, I always say that I see Ukraine’s EU membership as a political anchor of security guarantees.
What do I mean by this? I am not speaking about the military aspect - military security guarantees are something different. A political anchor means, first of all, that if we look back at history, there has never been a war on the territory of the European Union. There have been wars in Europe, and of course, today the worst is in Ukraine. But there has never been a war or armed conflict among EU member states. That is my first point.
My second point is about today. Given the current geopolitical situation, we cannot talk about security in Europe without also talking about security in Ukraine. Ukraine is the nation that has been fighting for European values since 2014.
This is why we must bring Ukraine in. Otherwise, our neighborhood will remain insecure, subject to the influence of the autocratic system represented by Putin. What has happened in Moldova shows this clearly—it is not only about choosing a pro-European path, but also about securing Europe itself. Otherwise, Ukraine would face Russia on its southern border as well. And this is why, coming back to your question, I say yes—EU membership is also a security guarantee.
And this is not something that will only begin once Ukraine becomes a full EU member. It is already happening
All the support we are providing—military, financial, humanitarian, political, within the accession process, through reforms, through technical assistance - could be put under the umbrella of providing Ukraine with security for a safe, peaceful life in freedom and prosperity.